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- <text id=91TT1966>
- <link 90TT3358>
- <link 90TT2631>
- <link 90TT0859>
- <title>
- Sep. 02, 1991: The Silent Guns of August
- </title>
- <history>
- TIME--The Weekly Newsmagazine--1991
- Sep. 02, 1991 The Russian Revolution
- </history>
- <article>
- <source>Time Magazine</source>
- <hdr>
- THE RUSSIAN REVOLUTION, Page 31
- THE RETREAT
- The Silent Guns of August
- </hdr>
- <body>
- <p>Though the army held its fire, it faces a leadership shake-up and
- a further erosion of power and influence
- </p>
- <p>By Richard Lacayo--Reported by James Carney/Moscow and Bruce
- van Voorst/Washington
- </p>
- <p> Throughout Soviet history, Kremlin leaders have taken special
- care to prevent the army from interfering in the nation's
- internal politics. Yet the new order being established by Mikhail
- Gorbachev was not the kind that soldiers were accustomed to
- living with. Pulled out of Afghanistan, shown the door in Eastern
- Europe, beset by shrinking defense outlays, low pay and ethnic
- tensions, the army smarted under the changes sweeping the
- U.S.S.R. For the plotters of the coup, such discontent seemed to
- make the military a logical--if reluctant--ally. Its armed
- might made it an essential one.
- </p>
- <p> But when the moment came to strike, Defense Minister Dmitri
- Yazov was unable to bring his firepower to bear. Gorbachev's
- drive for reform across all strata of society had left fault
- lines among the military as well, and the coup rapidly widened
- them. The air force stood aside altogether, refusing orders to
- participate. As for the army, the 10 tank crews that defected to
- Boris Yeltsin symbolized the greater number of soldiers who
- refused to countenance the violent overthrow of the government.
- Even troopers nominally supporting the junta were reluctant to
- fight.
- </p>
- <p> The army's trauma is not over. Yazov was arrested and faces
- trial. His protege, former Chief of the General Staff Mikhail
- Moiseyev, 52, played a role ambiguous enough to let Gorbachev
- name him acting Defense Minister shortly after the coup's
- collapse. That decision alarmed those who expected the reinstated
- President to clean house. Under pressure from Yeltsin, Gorbachev
- replaced Moiseyev one day later with an unambiguous reformer:
- Colonel General Yevgeni Shaposhnikov, 49, the commander of the
- air force who had refused to support the coup.
- </p>
- <p> A deeper purge of conservatives in the military is almost
- sure to follow. General Valentin Varennikov, the commander of
- ground forces who reportedly shared in Yazov's plans was
- arrested; General Boris Gromov, a hero of the Afghan war thought
- to have been in charge of Interior Ministry forces in the coup,
- is another likely target. Officers and civilians in the military-
- industrial complex, which has fought Gorbachev's efforts to
- convert more defense plants to civilian purposes, can be expected
- to fall as well. Marshal Sergei Akhromeyev, 68, former chief of
- staff of the Soviet armed forces and top military advisor to
- Gorbachev, committed suicide on Saturday night, though his link
- to the plot was not clear.
- </p>
- <p> The new leadership that supplants the Old Guard will have to
- brace itself for a further restructuring of the army, which has
- already suffered strains as a result of the changes brought about
- under Gorbachev. The military's claim on the national budget,
- still about one-third of all government spending despite the
- diminution of East-West tensions, faces additional reduction.
- Gorbachev has cut military forces by 500,000, to 4 million, but
- even sharper reductions are likely. The withdrawal from Eastern
- Europe has sent soldiers home to a severe housing shortage: some
- 200,000 are still quartered in tents, barracks and makeshift
- shelters throughout the country.
- </p>
- <p> Yet perestroika does have its appeal for some restive
- segments of the armed forces who could capitalize on the failed
- coup. The reform-minded Shchit (Shield) organization of former
- officers, which wants to abolish compulsory service in favor of a
- volunteer, professional army, may get more attention. Middle-
- ranking officers, especially veterans of the Afghan war, are
- impatient for a switch from massive conventional forces to the
- high-tech systems that the U.S. fielded so ably in the Persian
- Gulf. In their view, a market economy and the dismantling of the
- defense bureaucracy offer the only hope for modernizing the
- military.
- </p>
- <p> Hard-liners have tended to be clustered among older officers
- of colonel's rank and above, but the real dividing line is
- allegiance to the Communist Party. All top officers belonged to
- the party, while a network of loyalty officers ensures political
- orthodoxy throughout the ranks. The coup "wasn't the army as such
- in revolt," says Stephen Meyer, a Soviet expert at M.I.T. "It was
- the tired old nomenklatura, the party figures in the army." In
- his first act as defense minister, Shaposhnikov resigned from the
- party and, on the basis of a decree issued by Yeltsin, ordered
- its cells banished from the barracks. The generals must also
- accept firmer control from the Supreme Soviet, whose members have
- shown growing interest in the defense budget and procurement.
- </p>
- <p> Even the concept of a single army is being questioned. To
- thwart future coup attempts, Yeltsin and other republic leaders
- plan to press ahead with plans to form separate armed forces--in effect republican guard units--that will not be answerable
- to Moscow's command. That kind of challenge to its dominance of
- armed power will probably prevent the military from becoming a
- firm ally of change. The army will not wither away, but it will
- have to swallow reforms that so troubled some of its generals
- that they went to the barricades to forestall them.
- </p>
-
- </body>
- </article>
- </text>
-
-